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feb. 2011
title: hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=60c6d1ee087f9a6b4107e89607876cc5.tomcat1" bribes, lobbying, and development
authors: b�rd harstad,jakob svensson
abstract: when faced with a regulatory constraint, firms can either comply, bribe the regulator to get around the rule, or lobby the government to relax it. we analyze this choice, and its consequences, in a simple dynamic model. in equilibrium, when the level of development is low, firms are more inclined to bend the rule through bribery but they tend to switch to lobbying when the level of development is sufficiently high. bribery, however, is associated with holdup problems, which discourage firms from investing. if the holdup problems are severe, firms will never invest enough to make lobbying worthwhile. the country may then be stuck in a poverty trap with bribery forever. the model can account for the common perception that bribery is relatively more common in poor countries, whereas lobbying is relatively more common in rich ones.
2. title: hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=60c6d1ee087f9a6b4107e89607876cc5.tomcat1" competing on good politicians
authors: vincenzo galasso and tommaso nannicini
abstract: is electoral competition good for political selection? to address this issue, we introduce a theoretical model where ideological parties select and allocate high-valence (experts) and low-valence (party loyalists) candidates into electoral districts. voters care about a national policy (e.g., party ideology) and the valence of their district's candidates. high-valence candidates are more costly for the parties to recruit. we show that parties compete by selecting and allocating good politicians to the most contestable districts. empirical evidence on italian members of parliament confirms this prediction: politicians with higher ex ante quality, measured by years of schooling, previous market income, and local government experience, are more likely to run in contestable districts. indeed, despite being different on average, politicians belonging to opposite political coalitions converge to high-quality levels in close electoral races. furthermore, politicians elected in contestable districts have fewer absences in parliament, due to a selection effect more than to reelection incentives.
3. title: hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=60c6d1ee087f9a6b4107e89607876cc5.tomcat1" do natural resources fuel authoritarianism? a reappraisal of the resource curse
authors: stephen haber and victor menaldo
abstract: a large body of scholarship finds a negative relationship between natural resources and democracy. extant cross-country regressions, however, assume random effects and are run on panel datasets with relatively short time dimensions. because natural resource reliance is not an exogenous variable, this is not an effective strategy for uncovering causal relationships. numerous sources of bias may be driving the results, the most serious of which is omitted variable bias induced by unobserved country-specific and time-invariant heterogeneity. to address these problems, we develop unique historical datasets, employ time-series centric techniques, and operationalize explicitly specified counterfactuals. we test to see if there is a long-run relationship between resource reliance and regime type within countries over time, both on a country-by-country basis and across several different panels. we find that increases in resource reliance are not associated with authoritarianism. in fact, in many specifications we generate results that suggest a resource blessing.
4. title: hyperlink "http://journals.cambridge.org/action/?sessionid=60c6d1ee087f9a6b4107e89607876cc5.tomcat1" hobbes, savagery, and international anarchy
authors: pat moloney
abstract: this article argues that hobbes constructed the sovereignty acknowledged among european states on the supposition of the absence of sovereignty in the new world. the notion of international anarchy found in hobbes before the twentieth century was not the anarchy of interstate relations later posited by realism, but the anarchy of prepolitical societies outside the ordered system of european states. the modern geography of sovereignty that hobbes established is demonstrated with reference to the cartographic traditions that informed his representation of the state of nature and the civil state, and to the historical context of the law of nations as it was understood to manage colonial rivalry in the seventeenth century. by constructing savages as absolutely free individuals in the state of nature, he precluded their recognition as free sovereign states. he thus contributed a set of premises to natural jurisprudence that denied indigenous societies statehood and excluded them from the family nations. a sketch of the hobbesian legacy among theorists of the law of nations and international law is made, showing how his motif of savage anarchy remained central to our conceptualization of the sovereign state within the international realm into the twentieth century.
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