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��ࡱ�>�� u �r�r�bjbj�n�n2��a��ad| ��""��8��4�8pl��o�o�o�o�o�o�o$�q�zt<�o��o��4�o}}}��o}�o}}}��p��}�op08p}�t�^�t}}�/�t�3lp}�o�od8p��t"qs: the american political science review volume 115, issue 3, august 2021 1. title: �send back the bloodstained money�: frederick douglass on tainted gifts authors: emma saunders-hastings abstract: institutions today face calls to return �tainted� donations from controversial donors like the sackler family. such critiques of �dirty money,� while gaining in public salience, are prone to charges of puritanism or of hypocrisy. this paper recovers a distinctive position on dirty money, capable of responding to these charges, from the early speeches and writings of frederick douglass. in great britain in 1846, douglass delivered a series of speeches claiming that the free church of scotland had �made itself responsible for slavery� by accepting donations from american slaveholders, and he led a public campaign to �send back the money.� douglass�s argument centers on the claim that accepting money and other gifts can distort political relationships and subvert political judgment. his rhetoric also shows how criticizing objectionable gifts is an opportunity to shape people�s moral reasoning and political judgment for the better. 2. title: counter-majoritarian democracy: persistent minorities, federalism, and the power of numbers authors: arash abizadeh abstract: the majoritarian conception of democracy implies that counter-majoritarian institutions such as federalism�and even representative institutions�are derogations from democracy. the majoritarian conception is mistaken for two reasons. first, it is incoherent: majoritarianism ultimately stands against one of democracy�s core normative commitments�namely, political equality. second, majoritarianism is premised on a mistaken view of power, which fails to account for the power of numbers and thereby fails to explain the inequality faced by members of persistent minorities. although strict majority rule serves the democratic values of political agency and equality as interpreted by a set of formal conditions, an adequate conception of power shows why in real-world conditions formal-procedural inequalities, instantiated by counter-majoritarian institutions such as federalism, are sometimes required to serve democratic equality. 3. title: close to home: place-based mobilization in racialized contexts authors: sally a. nuamah, thomas ogorzalek abstract: how do racially concentrated policy changes translate to political action? using official election returns, the cooperative congressional election study, and original data on the unprecedented mass closure of schools in segregated, predominantly black neighborhoods across chicago, we demonstrate that those living in the communities affected (1) increase their attendance at political meetings; (2) mobilize in support of ballot measures to avert future closings; and (3) increase their participation in the subsequent local election, while decreasing their support for the political official responsible for the policy on the ballot�at a higher rate than every other group. these findings shed light on how groups that previously participated at the lowest rates go on to participate at the highest rates on community issues that matter to them. we develop a theory of place-based mobilization to explain the role of �the community� in acting as a site of coidentification and political action for marginalized groups. 4. title: the politics of the mundane authors: roberto f. carlos abstract: extensive research on political participation suggests that parental resources strongly predict participation. other research indicates that salient political events can push individuals to participate. i offer a novel explanation of how mundane household experiences translate to political engagement, even in settings where low participation levels are typically found, such as immigrant communities. i hypothesize that experiences requiring children of latinx immigrants to take on �adult� responsibilities provide an environment where children learn the skills needed to overcome the costs associated with participation. i test this hypothesis using three datasets: a survey of latinx students, a representative survey of young adults, and a 10-year longitudinal study. the analyses demonstrate that latinx children of immigrants taking on adult responsibilities exhibit higher levels of political activity compared with those who do not. these findings provide new insights into how the cycle of generational political inequality is overcome in unexpected ways and places. 5. title: does the meeting style matter? the effects of exposure to participatory and deliberative school board meetings authors: jonathan e. collins abstract: would public meetings incite more civic engagement if they were structured in ways that are simply more engaging? i addressed this question by conducting an original survey with an oversample of racial and ethnic minorities and individuals from low-income households. the survey featured a randomized experiment in which each study participant was shown a short clip of an actual school board meeting that was (1) a standard meeting with no public participation, (2) a meeting with public participation, or (3) a meeting with deliberation (public participation followed by a reasoned response from the school board). the experience of viewing the more participatory and deliberative school board meetings led to increased trust in local officials and a stronger willingness to attend school board meetings in the future. this study has significant implications for civic engagement, local politics, and public school governance. 6. title: turnout and amendment four: mobilizing eligible voters close to formerly incarcerated floridians authors: kevin morris abstract: recent scholarship shows that eligible voters in neighborhoods home to many arrested and incarcerated individuals vote at lower rates than those in less-affected neighborhoods. little work, however, has investigated how this turnout gap might be counteracted. this paper uses amendment four, a 2018 florida ballot initiative that promised to re-enfranchise most individuals whose voting rights had been revoked due to a felony conviction to investigate whether this turnout disparity can be narrowed by a ballot initiative of particular significance to communities most affected by incarceration. using prison release records, i identify the neighborhoods and households where formerly incarcerated individuals live and assess the voting history of their neighbors and housemates. i find no evidence that amendment four increased these voters� turnout in 2018 relative to other voters. while ending felony disenfranchisement is necessary, closing the turnout gap resulting from histories of policing and incarceration will require greater investment and engagement. 7. title: �clocks must always be turned back�: brown v. board of education and the racial origins of constitutional originalism authors: calvin terbeek abstract: the republican party has adopted constitutional �originalism� as its touchstone. existing accounts of this development tell either a teleological story, with legal academics as the progenitors, or deracialized accounts of conservatives arguing first principles. exploiting untapped archival data, this paper argues otherwise. empirically, the paper shows that the realigning gop�s originalism grew directly out of political resistance to brown v. board of education by conservative governing elites, intellectuals, and activists in the 1950s and 1960s. building on this updated empirical understanding, the theoretical claim is that ideologically charged elite legal academics and attorneys in departments of justice serve more of a legitimating rather than an originating role for american constitutional politics upon a long coalition�s electoral success. finally, by showing the importance of race to constitutional conservatism�s development, this article posits that the received understanding of a �three-corner stool� of social, economic, and foreign policy conservatism needs revision. 8. title: bargaining and strategic voting on appellate courts authors: giri parameswaran, charles m. cameron, lewis a. kornhauser abstract: many appellate courts and regulatory commissions simultaneously produce case dispositions and rules rationalizing the dispositions. we explore the properties of the american practice for doing this. we show that the median judge is pivotal over case dispositions, although she and others may not vote sincerely. strategic dispositional voting is more likely when the case location is extreme, resulting in majority coalitions that give the appearance of less polarization on the court than is the case. the equilibrium policy created in the majority opinion generically does not coincide with the ideal policy of the median judge in either the dispositional majority or the bench as a whole. rather, opinions approach a weighted center of the dispositional majority but often reflect the preferences of the opinion author. we discuss some empirical implications of the american practice for jointly producing case dispositions and rules. 9. title: constitutional reform and the gender diversification of peak courts authors: nancy arrington, leeann bass, adam glynn, jeffrey k. staton, brian delgado, staffan i. lindberg abstract: do the processes states use to select judges for peak courts influence gender diversity? scholars have debated whether concentrating appointment power in a single individual or diffusing appointment power across many individuals best promotes gender diversification. others have claimed that the precise structure of the process matters less than fundamental changes in the process. we clarify these theoretical mechanisms, derive testable implications concerning the appointment of the first woman to a state�s highest court, and then develop a matched-pair research design within a rosenbaum permutation approach to observational studies. using a global sample beginning in 1970, we find that constitutional change to the judicial selection process decreases the time until the appointment of the first woman justice. these results reflect claims that point to institutional disruptions as critical drivers of gender diversity on important political posts. 10. title: gender and party discipline: evidence from africa�s emerging party systems authors: amanda clayton, p�r zetterberg abstract: are men and women legislators equally loyal to their parties? we theorize that parties select candidates based on gendered criteria, leading to the (s)election of more disciplined women. moreover, we argue that gendered expectations about proper behavior limit women legislators� ability to act independently from their parties. using surveys from over 800 parliamentarians across 17 african legislatures, we find that women report significantly higher levels of party discipline than do their men copartisans. from this survey data and new legislative speech data, we also find support for our proposed causal mechanisms. further, we find that among women parliamentarians, party discipline is negatively correlated with the prioritization of womens rights. a qualitative case study of the namibian parliament illustrates our findings. we discuss the implications of our results for women�s legislative effectiveness, for the substantive representation of women�s interests in policy making, and for the continued democratization of emerging party systems. 11. title: playing to the gallery: emotive rhetoric in parliaments authors: moritz osnabr�gge, sara b. hobolt, toni rodon abstract: research has shown that emotions matter in politics, but we know less about when and why politicians use emotive rhetoric in the legislative arena. this article argues that emotive rhetoric is one of the tools politicians can use strategically to appeal to voters. consequently, we expect that legislators are more likely to use emotive rhetoric in debates that have a large general audience. our analysis covers two million parliamentary speeches held in the uk house of commons and the irish parliament. we use a dictionary-based method to measure emotive rhetoric, combining the affective norms for english words dictionary with word-embedding techniques to create a domain-specific dictionary. we show that emotive rhetoric is more pronounced in high-profile legislative debates, such as prime minister�s questions. these findings contribute to the study of legislative speech and political representation by suggesting that emotive rhetoric is used by legislators to appeal directly to voters. 12. title: social origins of dictatorships: elite networks and political transitions in haiti authors: suresh naidu, james a. robinson, lauren e. young abstract: existing theories of democratic reversals emphasize that elites mount actions like coups when democracy is particularly threatening to their interests. however, existing theory has been largely silent on the role of elite social networks, which interact with economic incentives and may facilitate antidemocratic collective action. we develop a model where coups generate rents for elites and show that the effort an elite puts into a coup is increasing in their network centrality. we empirically explore the model using an original dataset of haitian elite networks that we linked to firm-level data. we show that central families were more likely to be accused of participating in the 1991 coup against the democratic aristide government. we then find that the retail prices of staple goods that are imported by such elites differentially increase during subsequent periods of nondemocracy. our results suggest that elite social structure is an important factor in democratic reversals. 13. title: nonunitary parties, government formation, and gamson�s law authors: gary w. cox abstract: following the coalition literature highlighting intraparty politics (e.g., giannetti and benoit 2009; laver 1999; str�m 2003), i address the well-known �portfolio allocation paradox� (warwick and druckman 2006) by introducing a new model of government formation based on two main assumptions. first, no actor has a structural advantage in the negotiations leading to government formation. second, all actors who can deprive the coalition of a majority (or other critical threshold size) must be included in the negotiations�not just parties. whereas standard bargaining models are inconsistent with gamson�s law, the model proposed here implies that equilibrium portfolio allocations should be mostly gamsonian but with a small-party bias, as the empirical literature has long found. empirically, i show that my model outperforms the literature�s standard specification (due to browne and franklin 1973). moreover, one of the model�s new predictions�that candidate-centered electoral rules should promote more gamsonian portfolio allocations�is supported. 14. title: studying policy design quality in comparative perspective authors: xavier fern�ndez-i-mar�n, christoph knill, yves steinebach abstract: this article is a first attempt to systematically examine policy design and its influence on policy effectiveness in a comparative perspective. we begin by providing a novel concept and measure of policy design. our average instrument diversity (aid) index captures whether governments tend to reuse the same policy instruments and instrument combinations or produce policy solutions that are carefully tailored to the policy problem at hand. second, we demonstrate that our aid index is a valid and reliable measure of policy design quality with a strong explanatory power for the outcome variables tested. analyzing the composition of environmental policy portfolios in 21 oecd countries, we show that higher levels of aid are positively associated with a country�s policy effectiveness in environmental matters. based on this finding, we analyze, in a third step, the factors that lead countries to adopt more or less diverse policy portfolios. we find that the policy design quality is significantly improved when policy makers are not bound by high institutional constraints and, more importantly, are backed by well-equipped bureaucracies. 15. title: the two-pronged middle class: the old bourgeoisie, new state-engineered middle class, and democratic development authors: tomila v. lankina, alexander libman abstract: we contribute to research on the democratic role of middle classes. our paper distinguishes between middle classes emerging autonomously during gradual capitalist development and those fabricated rapidly as part of state-led modernization. to make the case for a conceptual distinction between these groups within one national setting, we employ author-assembled historical district data, survey, and archival materials for pre-revolutionary russia and its feudal estates. our analysis reveals that the bourgeois estate of meshchane covaries with post-communist democratic competitiveness and media freedoms, our proxies of regional democratic variations. we propose two causal pathways explaining the puzzling persistence of social structure despite the bolsheviks� leveling ideology and post-communist autocratic consolidation: (a) processes at the juncture of familial channels of human capital transmission and the revolutionaries� modernization drive and (b) entrepreneurial value transmission outside of state policy. our findings help refine recent work on political regime orientations of public-sector-dependent societies subjected to authoritarian modernization. 16. title: cooperative capacities of the rational: revising rawls�s account of prudential reasoning authors: jacqueline basu abstract: john rawls characterizes political rationality as narrowly self-regarding and therefore incapable of motivating political other-regard, self-moderation, or cooperative behavior. he ascribes these cooperative properties solely to reasonable, or principled, reasoning. this article evaluates rawls�s account of rationality by investigating his characterization of the democratic modus vivendi, which builds upon this account: rawls asserts that the democratic modus vivendi is inherently unstable because it lacks the cooperative properties of the reasonable. these critiques entail positive claims about rational democratic equilibrium that are contradicted by formal accounts of self-enforcing democracy. the article demonstrates that the democratic modus vivendi can achieve robust stability because the rational can express the cooperative properties that rawls reserves to the reasonable. by working within rawls�s seminal account of political reasoning to revise the properties he ascribes to rationality, this article offers a novel motivation for theoretical engagement with the rational and its role in political cooperation. 17. title: the journey home: violence, anchoring, and refugee decisions to return authors: faten ghosn, tiffany s. chu, miranda simon, alex braithwaite, michael frith, joanna jandali abstract: while the unhcr promotes voluntary repatriation as the preferred solution to refugee situations, there is little understanding of variation in refugees� preferences regarding return. we develop a theoretical framework suggesting two mechanisms influencing refugees� preferences. first, refugees� lived experiences in their country of origin prior to displacement and in their new host country create a trade-off in feelings of being anchored to their origin or host country. second, firsthand exposure to traumas of war provides some refugees with a sense of competency and self-efficacy, leading them to prefer to return home. we test these relationships with data from a survey among syrian refugees hosted in lebanon. we find refugees exposed to violence during the war have a sense of attachment to syria and are most likely to prefer return. refugees who have developed a detachment from syria or an attachment to lebanon are less likely to prefer return. 18. title: partisan polarization is the primary psychological motivation behind political fake news sharing on twitter authors: mathias osmundsen, alexander bor, peter bjerregaard vahlstrup, anja bechmann, michael bang petersen abstract: the rise of �fake news� is a major concern in contemporary western democracies. yet, research on the psychological motivations behind the spread of political fake news on social media is surprisingly limited. are citizens who share fake news ignorant and lazy? are they fueled by sinister motives, seeking to disrupt the social status quo? or do they seek to attack partisan opponents in an increasingly polarized political environment? this article is the first to test these competing hypotheses based on a careful mapping of psychological profiles of over 2,300 american twitter users linked to behavioral sharing data and sentiment analyses of more than 500,000 news story headlines. the findings contradict the ignorance perspective but provide some support for the disruption perspective and strong support for the partisan polarization perspective. thus, individuals who report hating their political opponents are the most likely to share political fake news and selectively share content that is useful for derogating these opponents. overall, our findings show that fake news sharing is fueled by the same psychological motivations that drive other forms of partisan behavior, including sharing partisan news from traditional and credible news sources. 19. title: whose news? class-biased economic reporting in the united states authors: alan m. jacobs, j. scott matthews, timothy hicks, eric merkley abstract: there is substantial evidence that voters� choices are shaped by assessments of the state of the economy and that these assessments, in turn, are influenced by the news. but how does the economic news track the welfare of different income groups in an era of rising inequality? whose economy does the news cover? drawing on a large new dataset of us news content, we demonstrate that the tone of the economic news strongly and disproportionately tracks the fortunes of the richest households, with little sensitivity to income changes among the non-rich. further, we present evidence that this pro-rich bias emerges not from pro-rich journalistic preferences but, rather, from the interaction of the media�s focus on economic aggregates with structural features of the relationship between economic growth and distribution. the findings yield a novel explanation of distributionally perverse electoral patterns and demonstrate how distributional biases in the economy condition economic accountability. 20. title: how to read james fitzjames stephen: technocracy and pluralism in a misunderstood victorian authors: gregory conti abstract: this paper offers a new reading of the political thought of the mid-victorian jurist and intellectual james fitzjames stephen. contrary to impressions of stephen as a conservative or religious authoritarian, this article recognizes the liberal character of stephen�s thought, and it argues that investigating stephen�s liberalism holds lessons for us today about the structure of liberal theory. stephen, the paper demonstrates, articulated robustly both technocratic and pluralistic visions of politics. perhaps more stridently than any victorian, he put forward an argument for the necessity and legitimacy of expert rule against claims for popular government. yet he also insisted on the plurality of perspectives on public affairs and on the ineluctable conflict between them. because both of these facets existed in his work, he fit within the liberal ranks, but he did not show how the two dimensions fit together. the tension that we discover from reading stephen is, the article concludes, not peculiar to him, but a permanent feature of liberal theories, which always include both technocratic and pluralistic elements. 21. title: increasing precision without altering treatment effects: repeated measures designs in survey experiments authors: scott clifford, geoffrey sheagley, spencer piston abstract: the use of survey experiments has surged in political science. the most common design is the between-subjects design in which the outcome is only measured posttreatment. this design relies heavily on recruiting a large number of subjects to precisely estimate treatment effects. alternative designs that involve repeated measurements of the dependent variable promise greater precision, but they are rarely used out of fears that these designs will yield different results than a standard design (e.g., due to consistency pressures). across six studies, we assess this conventional wisdom by testing experimental designs against each other. contrary to common fears, repeated measures designs tend to yield the same results as more common designs while substantially increasing precision. these designs also offer new insights into treatment effect size and heterogeneity. we conclude by encouraging researchers to adopt repeated measures designs and providing guidelines for when and how to use them. 22. title: does halting refugee resettlement reduce crime? evidence from the us refugee ban authors: daniel masterson, vasil yasenov abstract: many countries have reduced refugee admissions in recent years, in part due to fears that refugees and asylum seekers increase crime rates and pose a national security risk. existing research presents ambiguous expectations about the consequences of refugee resettlement on crime. we leverage a natural experiment in the united states, where an executive order by the president in january 2017 halted refugee resettlement. this policy change was sudden and significant�it resulted in the lowest number of refugees resettled on us soil since 1977 and a 66% drop in resettlement from 2016 to 2017. in this article, we find that there is no discernible effect on county-level property or violent crime rates. 23. title: campaign finance regulations and public policy authors: martin gilens, shawn patterson, jr, pavielle haines abstract: despite a century of efforts to constrain money in american elections, there is little consensus on whether campaign finance regulations make any appreciable difference. here we take advantage of a change in the campaign finance regulations of half of the u.s. states mandated by the supreme court�s citizens united decision. this exogenously imposed change in the regulation of independent expenditures provides an advance over the identification strategies used in most previous studies. using a generalized synthetic control method, we find that after citizens united, states that had previously banned independent corporate expenditures (and thus were �treated� by the decision) adopted more �corporate-friendly� policies on issues with broad effects on corporations� welfare; we find no evidence of shifts on policies with little or no effect on corporate welfare. we conclude that even relatively narrow changes in campaign finance regulations can have a substantively meaningful influence on government policy making. 24. title: the democratic deficit in u.s. education governance authors: vladimir kogan, st�phane lavertu, zachary peskowitz abstract: political scientists have largely overlooked the democratic challenges inherent in the governance of u.s. public education�despite profound implications for educational delivery and, ultimately, social mobility and economic growth. in this study, we consider whether the interests of adult voters who elect local school boards are likely to be aligned with the needs of the students their districts educate. specifically, we compare voters and students in four states on several policy-relevant dimensions. using official voter turnout records and rich microtargeting data, we document considerable demographic differences between voters who participate in school board elections and the students attending the schools that boards oversee. these gaps are most pronounced in majority nonwhite jurisdictions and school districts with the largest racial achievement gaps. our novel analysis provides important context for understanding the political pressures facing school boards and their likely role in perpetuating educational and, ultimately, societal inequality. 25. title: party over pocketbook? how party cues influence opinion when citizens have a stake in policy authors: rune slothuus, martin bisgaard abstract: do political parties influence opinion when citizens have a personal stake in policy? with an experimental design that exploits a naturally occurring, sharp variation in party cues, we study the effects of party cues during a collective bargaining conflict over the salary and work rights for public employees in denmark. even in this context�where the self-interest of public employees was strongly mobilized and where their party went against it�we find that party cues move opinion among partisans at least as much as in previous studies. but party cues do not lead citizens to go against their self-interest. rather, we show that party cues temper the pursuit of self-interest among public employees by moderating the most extreme policy demands. these findings highlight an unappreciated potential of political parties to moderate�not fuel�extreme opinion. 26. title: off-cycle and off center: election timing and representation in municipal government authors: adam m. dynes, michael t. hartney, sam d. hayes abstract: who governs america�s cities: organized interests or mass publics? though recent scholarship finds that local governments enact policies that align with citizens� preferences, others argue that it is organized interests, not mass publics that are influential. to reconcile these perspectives, we show that election timing can help shed light on when voters or groups will be pivotal in city politics. examining 1,600 large us cities, we find that off-cycle elections affect city policy responsiveness asymmetrically, weakening responsiveness on those issues where there is an active and organized interest whose policy objectives deviate from the preferences of the median resident. here, we focus on public employees� interests and find that local governments that are elected off cycle spend more on city workers than would be preferred by citizens in more conservative cities. we conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for the study of interest groups and representation in local politics. 27. title: does health vulnerability predict voting for right-wing populist parties in europe? authors: nolan m. kavanagh, anil menon, justin e. heinze abstract: why do voters in developed democracies support right-wing populist parties? existing research focuses on economic and cultural vulnerability as driving this phenomenon. we hypothesize that perceptions of personal health vulnerability might have a similar influence on voters. to test this argument, we analyzed all waves of the european social survey (2002�2020). our findings suggest that voters with worse self-reported health were significantly more likely to vote for right-wing populist parties. the relationship persists even after accounting for measures of cultural and economic vulnerability, as well as voters� satisfaction with both their personal lives and their country�s health system. the influence of health on support for right-wing populist parties appears to be greater than that of income and self-reported economic insecurity, while less than that of gender and attitudes about immigrants. our findings suggest that policies affecting public health could shape not only health outcomes but also the political landscape. 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