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��ࡱ�>�� {}����z��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� �r�unbjbjqq2peegf ���������������������8d~$� ll���������k�k�k�k�k�k�k$wm�p:�k�������k����4�kxxx�������kx��kxxx�����0ԋ�"��`xvk�k0 lxsp~�spxx�/sp�ih��x������k�k$4��� l������������������������������������������������������������������������sp���������� �: harvard journal of law and public policy volume 35, issue 1, winter 2012 1. title: the constitution and economic liberty authors: ely jr., james w. abstract: [...] the united states never has pursued a strict laissez-faire policy; even when holmes wrote, lawmakers were enacting a host of economic regulations.6 the vast majority of these regulatory measures either passed judicial muster or were never challenged.7 the reference to "paternalism and the organic relation of the citizen to the state,"8 although somewhat opaque, likely points toward the attacks on individualism and claims of economic rights that characterized the progressive era.9 of course. there were, however, remnants of the older mercantilist scheme still in place, and some price regulations persisted. 2. title: enlightenment economics and the framing of the u.s. constitution authors: lerner, ren�e lettow abstract: governments sold monopolies, or patents as they were known, on the manufacture, exportation, or importation of coal, soap, starch, iron, leather, books, wine, and fruit- in short, on almost everything imaginable- to raise revenue.4 colonial americans resented english mercantilism in the form of the navigation acts, which required colonists to export certain goods only to england or its colonies and to conduct their trade entirely on english or colonial vessels.5 these old-regime economic ideas dominated thought and policy throughout europe in the first half of the eighteenth century. congress sinks into sloppy practices leading to economic favoritism and massive intrusions into the economy, the president becomes a party to these practices and fails to protect the common good of the entire nation, and judges- particularly supreme court justicesalternately ignore their proper constitutional responsibilities and award enormous political power to themselves to act like unelected and unreviewable legislators. 3. title: the political economy of the original constitution authors: white, g. edward abstract: [...] the approach, which rests on an "interest group" analysis of politics and economics fashionable for a time among twentieth-century historians, is anachronistic because it projects later conceptions of the organization of american political and economic life back on to the framing period. [...] how might one describe the political economy of the original constitution? i. the "economic" provisions of the original constitution a. the central concerns of the constitution's supporters the movement to alter the form of national government in the united states arose out of two sets of concerns that surfaced among creole elites8 between the mid-1770s and the mid-1780s as americans fought the revolutionary war and gained experience with state governments and the federal government of the articles of confederation.9 one set of concerns centered on the articles of confederation government's dependence on the states.10 although the continental congress directed and financed the revolutionary war effort, it had been largely dependent on the states in doing so because the articles government needed the support of nine states to exercise any of its principal powers.11 consequently, the articles government never found an effective way to raise money throughout the war. 4. title: federalism as a discovery process and a catalyst for humility authors: mcginnis, john o. abstract: [...] good societies are concerned with protecting both liberty and other conditions for human flourishing.3 in a good society, people should have freedom to act, but legal norms also should help sustain the conditions for the success of family life, friendship, and other social goods. [...] the recent victory of the computer watson on jeopardy! suggests that computers themselves might soon be making connections between social phenomena that have previously eluded humans.17 economic history teaches us that new forms of measurement were at the heart of the industrial revolution, accelerating innovation and the assessment of private productivity.\n . . dead letter[s] anyway, and they likely prevented the enactment of few, if any, new laws. 5. title: depoliticizing federalism authors: seidman, louis michael abstract: instead of being trapped in large units of government, individuals can choose between different, smaller units that offer a menu of regulatory options. [...] federalism promotes freedom.14 this narrative often is supplemented with the closely related narrative of experimentation, complete with the mandatory citation to justice brandeis's celebration of states as laboratories. 6. title: national healthcare and american constitutional culture authors: marshall, william p. abstract: james madison, for example, believed the taxing and spending clause did no more than allow congress to tax and spend in reference to its enumerated powers.19 alexander hamilton, in contrast, asserted that the clause provided congress with independent authority.20 the court in helvering and steward machine concluded, however, that by the time of the social security decisions, the issue had been resolved in favor of hamilton's view.21 justice story, writing in the early nineteenth century, had adopted hamilton's position in his commentaries22 and the court itself, relying in part on justice story's reasoning, had held in united states v. butler that the broader hamiltonian reading of the taxing and spending clause was the correct one.23 the only matter then remaining for the court in helvering and steward machine was whether the creation of a social security system comported with the requirement under the taxing and spending clause that congress act in furtherance of the "general welfare." [...] it concluded that it would defer to congress on this issue unless the choice is clearly wrong, a display of arbitrary power, not an exercise of judgment. 7. title: american exceptionalism and the healthcare reform debate authors: rabkin, jeremy abstract: in germany, for example, the parliamentary chamber that represents the laender (the bundesrat) really does represent the state governments; each land government designates its own representatives in the bundesrat and then can replace them whenever it chooses to do so.23 since the adoption of the seventeenth amendment in 1913, voters (rather than state government) elect u.s. senators and the constitution always has assured the senators a six-year term, regardless of what their home state legislature or governor might prefer.24 in germany, state officials handle almost all enforcement of federal laws.2s in the united states, the federal government is equipped to implement its own laws.26 the supreme court insists there are limits on how far the federal government can go in forcing states to contribute state officials and state legislation to the implementation of federal schemes.27 among the most telling differences with other versions of federalism is that, in the united states, state governments maintain their own sources of revenue. to take the most familiar example, federal gasoline taxes financed much of the interstate highway system, but state governments supervised the actual construction and maintenance of the system (to federal specifications).31 but states still have to operate, for the most part, on their own resources, in times of economic stringency, states are less keen to cooperate in federal undertakings, even when the federal government provides part of the funding.\n93 congress responded with a statute that authorized the states to prohibit the purchase of out-of-state insurance without dormant commerce clause limitations.94 the supreme court promptly upheld that statute (the mccarran-ferguson act).95 it remains a serious question whether the congressional power to ''regulate commerce . . . among the several states actually encompasses the power to authorize the states to break up the country into fifty separate trade zones, where state governments can blockade their own citizens against insurance offerings in other states. 8. title: american dignity and healthcare reform authors: rao, neomi abstract: the concept of human dignity provides a useful reference point for evaluating american exceptionalism in the context of welfare rights. since world war ?, human dignity has emerged as the preeminent value in many modern constitutions and various human rights documents.1 particularly in countries that have extensive welfare states, dignity is often about being part of the community, being protected and provided for by the government.2 in america, however, political and legal discourse link dignity with individual rights and freedom from interference by the state.3 in this short essay i explain how different concepts of dignity reflect fundamental disagreements about welfare rights and highlight aspects of american exceptionalism. 9. title: economic uncertainty and the role of the courts authors: mahoney, paul g. abstract: [...] i will use the terms "property rights" and "economic freedom" to refer broadly to the absence of those forms of interference. in recent years, the federal government has pressured creditors in the chrysler and general motors bankruptcies to accept less than their pre-bankruptcy entitlements,38 enacted a healthcare law that requires citizens to buy insurance whether they want to at prevailing prices or not,39 and played favorites with certain industry sectors or individual companies.40 but the recent outbreaks of such interference produced a powerful popular backlash that might operate as a more potent constraint than federalism, bicameralism, or other structural barriers. because the literature on economic development is concerned primarily with how to help poor nations out of poverty,4' it has tended to see the demand for good policies and good institutions as always rising with the level of wealth. 10. title: economic uncertainty, the courts, and the rule of law authors: zywicki, todd abstract: [...] adherence to the rule of law in the face of crisis is important to restrain politicians from using the crisis to pursue their own self-interest or unleashing rent seeking by special interest groups- both of which dampen economic recovery and long-term economic growth. according to empirical studies, foreclosure rates are two to three times higher in states that have anti-deficiency laws (laws that limit the bank to taking a consumer's house upon default and prohibit suing the consumer for the remainder) than elsewhere.78 anti-deficiency laws79 create much stronger incentives for a consumer to walk away from his house when it is underwater. 11. title: deference to the executive in the united states after september 11: congress, the courts, and the office of legal counsel authors: posner, eric a. abstract: because unanticipated national security emergencies call for powers that cannot be stipulated in advance, the executive's actions at such times are not susceptible to traditional rule-bound legal analysis. [...] either the external official or tribunal will honestly apply the law and end up interfering with policies needed to protect national security, or he (or it) will enjoy de facto policymaking authority, which will not be regarded as legitimate in a political appointee. 12. title: u.s. intelligence in the wake of september 11: the rise of the spy commando and reorganized operational capabilities authors: hitz, frederick p. abstract:[...] do the relevant elements of the u.s. government regularly communicate with one another as the 9/11 commission envisioned, or have bureaucratic setbacks like wikileaks driven the intelligence community back to old information stovepiping habits? [...] the events of september 11 led directly to the creation of the department of homeland security, a gigantic agglomeration of domestic law enforcement, immigration, customs, and coastal protection authorities that did not include a domestic intelligence gathering entity separate from the fbi, like the uk's mi5.13 in addition, the united states has committed $75 billion annually to counterterrorism,14 including the hiring of hosts of contractors holding an estimated 265,000 top secret clearances.15 what have we to show for this extraordinary expenditure of resources? 13. title: what would hamilton do? authors: mcconnell, michael w. abstract: from the modern progressive point of view, hamilton was too much a believer in private property, too much the advocate of sound conservative finance, too much the critic of the french revolution, too inclined to use american military power abroad, and too much a believer that american prosperity would come from profit and markets. [...] neither the tea partiers nor the obama democrats are likely to honor hamilton as an example. 14. title: in defense of substantive due process, or the promise of lawful rule authors: sandefur, timothy abstract: supreme court justices left and right have denounced the idea,2 professors have ridiculed it,3 and for decades it has been a commonplace of law schools that substantive due process is an oxymoron4 or a trick by which judges enforce their own policy preferences into law.5 indeed, there seems to be a sort of competition among detractors for the most colorful way of ridiculing the doctrine. 12 much of the controversy in such famous substantive due process cases as loan association v. topeka13 or lawrence v.\n254 when interpreting these terms, courts properly refer to outside sources for definitions and for explanations of how habeas corpus and other devices operate.255 in the same way, the constitution's text implicitly incorporates the classical liberal political philosophy of the late eighteenth century by implication from textual references to liberty,256 property,257 and other rights.258 the preamble declares unambiguously that liberty is a blessing. 15. title: in praise of hostility: antiauthoritarianism as free speech principle authors: kang, john m. abstract: if you are a public figure or public official- if you are "intimately involved in the resolution of important public questions or, by reason of [your] fame, shape events in areas of concern to society at large"3- then, according to the supreme court in hustler magazine v. falwell, yes.4 and because you are, after ail, the chief justice of the united states, you probably are a public official as the court defines it, and so it is highly unlikely, if not impossible, that you will be able to sue hustler for money damages for having inflicted ruthless emotional distress upon you. in parts of the middle east and north africa where muslim fundamentalism is a mainstay and where political leaders enforce an unapologetic authoritarianism and nurture an intractable hatred against western constitutionalism, something unexpected happened: massive protests erupted.414 the protests were not against america the great satan but were directed instead against local authoritarian leaders themselves.413 the protests included various slogans, critiques, and calls for reform. get lost! - several images pasted on the wall depicted mr. bums, the fictional nuclear power plant owner on the simpsons, to whom ghannouchi bears an unfortunate resemblance.420 one cannot help but compare this exhibition of roguishness to the cartoon depicting george washington as an ass that chief justice rehnquist mentioned in hustler,*21 or to thomas paine' s denouncement of the king as an heir to a cheap thug who procured power through guile and violence.422 no one knows, of course, whether the protests in tunisia portend that it will follow america on the road to constitutional democracy. 16. title: law claims and article iii in stern v. marshall, 131 s. ct. 2594 (2011). authors: kovvali, aneil. abstract: 19 core proceedings are not explicitly defined, but they include counterclaims by [a debtor's] estate against persons filing claims against the estate ___ 20 by contrast, in non-core proceedings, bankruptcy courts simply make proposals to district courts; the article iii judges on the district courts then review the proposals and enter final judgment.21 pierce argued that vickie's counterclaim was a non-core proceeding.22 the bankruptcy court concluded that vickie's counterclaim was a core proceeding, and that it thus had the power to enter judgment.23 the district court disagreed, concluding that vickie's counterclaim for tortious interference was not a core proceeding.24 although the counterclaim fell within the literal statutory language describing core proceedings, the district court was concerned that such an expansive reading would unconstitutionally give judicial power to non-article iii bankruptcy judges.25 to avoid this conclusion, the district court took a narrow view of core proceeding and held that vickie's counterclaim was a non-core proceeding.26 it thus regarded the bankruptcy court's conclusions as mere proposals.27 by this time, the texas state court already had conducted a jury trial and found for pierce.28 but the federal district court denied preclusive effect to the state court judgment, finding instead for vickie, and awarding her compensatory and punitive damages.29 the court of appeals for the ninth circuit reversed, holding that the lower courts had lacked jurisdiction to hear the case because it fell within a probate exception to federal jurisdiction.30 the supreme court rejected this conclusion and remanded.31 on remand, the ninth circuit inferred an additional requirement for final judgment. 17. title: maintaining the clear and convincing evidence standard for patent invalidity challenges in microsoft corp. v. i4i limited partnership, 131 s. ct. 2238 (2011). authors: oberman, irina. abstract: [...] the court's categorical rule in i4i actually increases costs ex ante by arming holders of bad patents with a damocles' sword to hold over the heads of inventors and business owners in exchange for nuisance-value settlements.     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